By The Sharp Edge
In October of 2016, Wikileaks released a treasure trove of emails revealing the inner workings of the Clinton Crime Family, otherwise known as “Clinton Inc.” Within the 20,000 page archive of Podesta emails, the pieces came together to form a network of organized criminal activity, which long-time Clinton aide, Doug Band, referred to as “Bill Clinton, Inc.”
Among the 20,000 page Wikileaks dump, a 12 page memo detailed how the Clinton aide, who played a key role in the formation of the Clinton Global Initiative, Clinton Foundation, and Teneo Holdings, used his position as a gate-keeper for Bill Clinton, intermingling a tangled web of charity vs. for-profit as well as personal business vs. official business.
Rudy Giuliani, an expert on RICO, as the first prosecutor to use RICO in a major federal case, has stated in numerous interviews that this evidence, as well as other pieces of evidence warrants a criminal investigation into the Clintons and the use of their official positions for personal profit. In an interview with Justice Jeanine Pirro in October of 2016, Giuliani stated, “This is racketeering. This is a RICO statute–Clinton, Inc.” He went on to state, “He gives the speeches. They put the money in the pocket. She does the favors for the governments. It all links up. Why did they destroy the 33,000 emails? Because it shows the link between them.”
In another case of what appears to be bribery, contributor for The Hill, Earnest Canning outlined how Hillary Clinton intervened in an IRS investigation into 52,000 UBS accounts to the tune of some $20 billion worth held by Americans who were seeking to evade taxes. Hillary’s intervention in the matter reduced the requested identities of the aforementioned accounts from 52,000 to 4,450, after which UBS, one of “the world’s biggest wealth managers” paid Bill Clinton $1.5 million in speaking fees and increased donations to the Clinton Foundation ten times over. Canning wrote, “There can be little doubt that a media firestorm would ensue if a former president were to accept a lucrative speaking fee from the Mafia. Should the reaction be any different when the speaking fee comes from “banksters” who defrauded the U.S. government?”
In an interview with Fox News, Giuliani responded to this revelation stating,
“In the old days when I was a prosecutor we used to call that bribery. When you repeat it as they have done, with Clinton cash over 12 times it starts to become something else I used to do, called a RICO case. A racketeering enterprise. But the Clinton Foundation is a straight out and out racketeering enterprise. At least 12 situations in which hundreds of millions of dollars flowed through that Clinton Foundation. On the other side in the State Department, Hillary, Huma Abedin, all the people close to her were doing favors for the people paying the money.”
The book “Clinton Cash” revealed yet another racketeering scheme under the Obama administration, known as the Uranium One deal. The deal involved millions of dollars donated by Moscow to a lobbying firm which went to Bill Clinton charities, in return for Hillary Clinton’s support and influence in the sale of 20% of US uranium. Furthermore, Russian officials expected to apply a portion of the $3 million in annual lobbying fees toward the Clinton Global Initiative in return for support of the deal.
A separate set of emails released in July 2016, allegedly by DNC staffer Seth Rich, who presumably turned over the treasure trove to Wikileaks, includes an email from Perkins Coie attorney, Jacquelyn Lopez showing evidence of a clear pay to play scheme by the DNC / Clinton campaign. The email states, “Can we set up a time for a very brief call to go over our process for handling donations from donors who have given us pay to play letters? Want to make sure we have a robust process in place to make sure that donations that come in from those donors, in any form, get put into the operating account.”
The startling revelation of this pay to play scheme is especially troubling considering Hillary Clinton’s role as Secretary of State at the time. Among other evidence in the DNC email leak was a list of donors to the DNC and Obama’s Organizing for Action. The list corresponds with ambassadorships which were awarded to those very donors and/or their spouses. The sale of ambassador positions through the Obama White House, with Hillary Clinton as Secretary of State is yet another clear piece of evidence of a racketeering criminal enterprise.
Shortly after it was discovered that the DNC emails were downloaded from the server, which they claim was “hacked,” Seth Rich was murdered on July 10, 2016 at 4:20 a.m. in a Washington D.C. neighborhood by two gunshots to the back. Investigators claimed it was a botched robbery. However, the assailants fled the scene without stealing his wallet, cash, or valuables, in what appeared to be more like a mafia-style hit. Trump attorney, Rudy Giuliani, pushed the Seth Rich “conspiracy theory” in a retweet regarding the matter. When asked in a follow-up interview by the Daily Beast, Giuliani modestly replied, “I didn’t support any conspiracy theory. I raised several nagging coincidences. I vaguely remember it and was asking a question about whether it was ever investigated fully.” He went on to say, “Don’t remember if it was ever solved? Was it?”
With all of the evidence to support accusations of a Clinton Inc. racketeering criminal enterprise, it is important to analyze the RICO statute and how it was used in the past to prosecute an organized criminal syndicate, which may provide insight as to how a RICO case could be brought against Clinton Inc. presently.
This is the story of how Rudy Giuliani used the RICO statute to cripple the New York Mafia known as La Cosa Nostra. As an important side note, this report does not take a stance as to any personal opinions of Rudy Giuliani. Many in the truth movement have been critical of Giuliani and his role as mayor in the events leading up to the attacks on 9/11, as well as his inconsistent accounts on the day of the attacks. This report is not an analysis in any way as to whether Rudy Giuliani is a white hat, black hat, or grey hat. It is merely an analysis of how the RICO statute was applied in the prosecution of organized crime in New York under then prosecutor, Giuliani.
In 1931, after a series of hits, Lucky Luciano took over the New York mafia and formed what became known as the 5 families: Bonanno, Colombo, Gambino, Genovese, and Lucchese. Bosses of each of the 5 families formed “The Commission,” a sort of governing body that handed down orders to their members, including contract hits, jobs, and the appointments of members to positions. By 1946, the criminal syndicate had successfully infiltrated and gained control of the Labor Unions – a move eerily reminiscent of another organized criminal syndicate today, which appears to have successfully infiltrated and subverted nearly every 3 letter agency in the US.
In 1957, a state police officer took notice when, what appeared to be a convention of mobsters, gathered at the home of Jo the Barber in upstate Apalachin. This well-documented event, for the first time, confirmed for the American public, that an organized mafia syndicate operating within the US was no longer a conspiracy theory – much like the recent revelations through Wikileaks document dumps and elsewhere have confirmed that a “deep state” criminal syndicate is no longer a conspiracy theory.
A former cell-mate of Genovese, Joe Valachi, became the first major informant to provide critical information to investigators, of the inner workings of the New York mafia known as La Cosa Nostra in 1963. Valachi’s testimony, along with the newly passed RICO law in 1970, which authorized wire tapped recordings to be permissible in court, gave prosecutors the leg-up on investigations into the La Cosa Nostra criminal enterprise. “The Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO) is a federal law designed to combat organized crime in the United States. It allows prosecution and civil penalties for racketeering activity performed as part of an ongoing criminal enterprise. Such activity may include illegal gambling, bribery, kidnapping, murder, money laundering, counterfeiting, embezzlement, drug trafficking, slavery, and a host of other unsavory business practices. To convict a defendant under RICO, the government must prove that the defendant engaged in two or more instances of racketeering activity and that the defendant directly invested in, maintained an interest in, or participated in a criminal enterprise affecting interstate or foreign commerce. The law has been used to prosecute members of the mafia, the Hells Angels motorcycle gang…among many others” as stated in the Nolo legal encyclopedia. The RICO statute centers around the simple concept that prosecutions of a single crime will not affect an organized criminal syndicate. Taking out one individual within the group, will only lead to their replacement. The use of RICO is a way to target the group as a whole by going after the leaders of the organization, who authorize the “street-level” crimes.
Pause for a moment and ask yourself: How many criminal activities, like those listed above, have Clinton Inc. and their deep state associates partaken in?
In 1976, a federal agent by the name of Joe Pistone, operating under the alias Donnie Brasco, risked his life by successfully infiltrating the Bonanno crime family, offering more highly valuable inside information on the structure and operations of La Cosa Nostra. One year after the FBI decided to end Pistone’s operation, in 1983 Joe Bonanno broke his code of silence in a telling autobiography entitled “Man of Honor.” The book revealed the La Cosa Nostra organizational structure as well as uncovered how the 5 families controlled local business and influenced national politics. Just as the Wikileaks documents reveal evidence of a clear racketeering case, Joe Bonanno’s tell-all book laid out what Giuliani described as a “perfect RICO enterprise.” Giuliani took the organizational chart of “The Commission” that Bonanno provided in his autobiography and began to update the chart and fill in the missing gaps.
Giuliani became a US attorney for the SDNY in 1983, and quickly took on the task of pursuing the mafia in his investigations of organized crime in New York. In more recent years, SDNY has been directly involved in investigations of what appears to be another organized criminal syndicate as shown in both the Weiner laptop case and the Epstein case. In a Nat Geo documentary on New York RICO Versus the Mafia, Giuliani looked back on his role in the investigations stating, “No criminal organization in the history of our country has ever infiltrated legitimate institutions of society including our political institutions the way the mafia was able to do. This was tremendous power.” This kind of mafia-style infiltration of legitimate political institutions appears to have continued to this day as evidenced by the operations of the deeps state in conjunction with Clinton Inc.
With his organizational chart of La Cosa Nostra in hand, Giuliani met with the Attorney General and the Director of the FBI to brief them on the evidence that he had collected and the remaining missing pieces which were needed in order to complete his investigation. Within his request for full backing from the Justice Department, Giuliani asked for 50-60 additional agents to assist in the investigation as well as technical support from National Security to aide in their plans to wiretap key suspects. The Mob Museum reports that “by 1984, 350 FBI agents and 100 New York Police detectives were investigating the Mob. At the time, an estimated 1,000 “made” men and 5,000 Mob associates lived in New York, New Jersey, Connecticut and elsewhere.”
By comparison, Attorney General Jeff Sessions tasked US Attorney John Huber, along with a team of 470 investigators, with investigations into misconduct within the FBI and DOJ under the Obama Administration, as well as a separate investigation into claims of Hillary Clinton’s improper involvement in the sale of Uranium One and broader scope allegations of corruption within the Clinton Foundation. Under Attorney General William Barr, the investigations into FBI and DOJ misconduct were reassigned to US Attorney John Durham, while the investigations into Clinton and the Clinton Foundation remained under Huber. When pressed in a recent interview with CBS’s Jan Crawford, Barr “seemed to suggest that what evidence Huber found, if any, may soon be revealed, stating ‘The other issues [Huber has] been working on relate to Hillary Clinton’ are ‘winding down and hopefully we’ll be in a position to bring those to fruition.’”
The next mission for Giuliani’s team of investigators was to flip members within the mafia to become informants. This was the case with Gregory “The Grim Reaper” Scarpa, who provided investigators enough information to complete their next mission, which was to determine which locations were best to wiretap. With this information, investigators moved forward in the next phase of their mission – surveillance of their suspects. Wiretaps were strategically placed in key locations within each of the 5 families’ meeting places, after which round-the-clock surveillance began. Tape recordings produced evidence of the mafia bosses planning murders, orchestrating control over businesses and labor unions, as well as other significant racketeering activity. By contrast, with today’s technology, the NSA has the capability to monitor cell phones, laptops, etc. in order to create a ‘pattern of life’ profile of a target and any of their associates, which provides a significant advantage to today’s investigators.
Following their surveillance and investigations over the course of more than two years, Giuliani was ready to present indictments in 1985. The investigation of La Cosa Nostra may have only lasted a bit more than two years; however it would never have been possible without the culmination of the years of work with informants like Valachi and Scarpa, as well as through the six year infiltration of the Bonanno crime family by FBI agent Joe Pistone. Considering the years of compiling sources and evidence in order to finally indict the Cosa Nostra Commission for racketeering, how much more time should we expect investigators will need to gather evidence on the deep state and Clinton Inc. criminal racketeering enterprise? Patience is key in order to allow investigators the time they need to gather enough evidence to prosecute these criminals.
Somehow, word of the indictments leaked to the press, which pressured authorities to move swiftly in their arrests of nine members of the Cosa Nostra Commission. The nine members were later released on high bail until their trial. Ten months after his indictment, Gambino boss Paul Castellano, was assassinated. The hit was ordered by another Gambino family member, John Gotti, who reportedly disagreed with Castellano on the crime family’s drug trafficking enterprise. Giuliani saw this assassination as a sign that the feds were finally starting to apply pressure to the once impenetrable Cosa Nostra syndicate, stating in a Nat Geo documentary, “I didn’t see it as a setback. I didn’t see it as a particular advantage. I would’ve like Castellano around because when you have the boss it helps the prosecution of the rest of the case but then we had so much evidence, it really didn’t matter.”
A similar sentiment seemed to be echoed by AG Barr and SDNY prosecutors in the recent Epstein case following Epstein’s controversial death while in federal custody awaiting trial. In response to Epstein’s death, US Attorney Geoffrey Berman stated, “our investigation of the conduct charged in the Indictment – which included a conspiracy count – remains ongoing.”
In a trial like no other before, and with little confidence Giuliani and his team could pull off such a colossal feat, Giuliani won the racketeering case and the Commission members were convicted in a 21 count indictment, with sentences of 40 to 100 years. The convictions also led to indictments of Teamsters, allowing the feds to clean out the mafia corruption within the labor unions. The RICO case against La Cosa Nostra went down in history as the first of its kind, and reduced the organized criminal syndicate back to its days of being nothing more than a petty street gang. The notorious case also set precedent for future racketeering cases of organized criminal syndicates which, up to that point, seemed untouchable.
Looking back on his days as a prosecutor of La Cosa Nostra crimes, Giuliani stated in a Nat Geo interview “This is not just a group of individual criminals. It’s not just individual crimes. It’s not even just a conspiracy. This is a long term – 30, 40, 50 year old organized business and the business is committing murder, committing extortion… but I always thought they were delusions of grandeur with these people…it’s a really bad organization and lets expose it and get rid of it.” Much of the same could be said for the organized criminal syndicate we face today.